The Boy Who Learned to See—and What
He Teaches Us About Vision
By Susan R. Barry
June 18, 2021 11:04 am ET
At age 15, Liam McCoy
underwent surgery to allow him to see clearly for the first time. But repairing
his eyes was easier than retraining his brain.
To ask a blind person to acquire the sense of sight after
childhood is to ask them to reshape their identity. They may have functioned
quite independently when blind but now find themselves as vulnerable as a young
child. With their new sight, they can see but cannot recognize a flight of
stairs or a loved one’s face. Bombarded by visual stimuli they don’t understand, many who gain sight in adulthood become
despondent, reject their vision or even lose the will to live.
At first blush, vision seems a purely mechanical process.
Photons hit the light-sensing pigments in the retina of the eye, triggering a
cascade of electrical and chemical events that send signals to the brain about
light, color and motion. Yet these events tell only
part of the story. Even if we all possessed identical sensory structures, we
would each perceive a different and very personal version of the world, a
version built upon our experiences, needs and desires.
‘Perception is not
something that happens to us, or in us. It is something we do.’— Alva Noë, philosopher
As the philosopher Alva Noë has
written, “Perception is not something that happens to us, or in us. It is something
we do.” We move our body, head and eyes to look and
listen, to take in information about the world. Since we direct what we see,
developing vision as an adult is an intensely active process. A new pair of
eyes won’t lead to vision unless the owner of those
new eyes pays attention to what he is sensing and figures out its meaning.
I first met Liam McCoy in 2010, when he was 20, five years
after he had undergone sight-restoration surgeries. The operations added a
powerful artificial lens to each eye without removing the eye’s natural one. I
was introduced to Liam through his surgeon, Dr. Lawrence Tychsen,
a professor of ophthalmology at Washington University in St. Louis. Dr. T. (as
Liam calls him) cares for children with neurological impairments, often so
severe that other doctors consider them too difficult to evaluate and treat.
From the moment Liam was born, it was obvious that there was
something different about him. His hair was metallic silver, and blood vessels
were plainly visible through his very light-colored skin. “Oh my God!” the
nurse exclaimed as she rushed from the delivery room. Moments later, she
returned with the doctor, who took one look at the newborn and hurried out too.
When the doctor returned, Cindy, Liam’s mother, now deeply concerned, asked
what was wrong. “Oh, he’s a towhead; he’s a cotton-top,” the doctor responded.
Liam wasn’t completely blind, but his zone of clear vision extended only 3 inches from his nose.
From the start, Cindy suspected that her child had albinism,
a diagnosis that was confirmed when he was 17 months old. Albinism, or a lack
of the pigment melanin in the hair, eyes and skin, is
a rare condition, affecting only one in 17,000 people. Since Liam’s eyes lacked
melanin, he was extremely sensitive to bright light. He also had nystagmus, an
involuntary oscillating movement of the eyes. As a child, Liam told me, he
could not willingly look at anything.
Albinism wasn’t the only source of
Liam’s poor vision. He was also extremely nearsighted. Dr. Tychsen
explained that Liam was living in “a cocoon of visual blur.” He wasn’t completely blind, but his zone of clear vision
extended only 3 inches from his nose. As a result, his visual development was
severely disrupted, and the surgeries he underwent at age 15 were only the
beginning of his vision restoration.
Liam had surgery on one eye in December 2005. Surgery on the
second eye followed five weeks later. There was no sudden “I can see!” moment.
Liam’s eyesight was supposed to stabilize in six weeks; instead, it took
months. But when it did, his visual acuity had vastly improved. Before surgery his acuity was 20/2000 without glasses and 20/250
with the thickest lenses. Six months later, with no glasses, he was seeing
20/50. His albinism prevented him from seeing 20/20.
Nine months after the second surgery, one of the lenses
moved out of position, causing Liam to experience double vision. The lens was
replaced, and this time the improvement in acuity was immediate. The gains in
acuity after the first two surgeries may have occurred gradually because it took
the brain some time to process all the new information that the eyes could now
provide. Not only did his acuity improve tremendously, but his nystagmus was
reduced. Reds no longer faded for Liam as the day wore on (though blue remained
his favorite color). His binocular vision improved, as did his depth
perception, albeit slowly.
But the improvements were discombobulating. Surgery plunged
Liam into a world of sharp lines and edges. He now saw lines wherever there
were changes in color, light or texture; where one object ended
and another began; where an object in front occluded an object behind; and
where a shadow was cast on a surface. While we all see lines at the boundaries
of objects or shadows, we know where these lines belong. We recognize an object
immediately—all of its parts combine together, instantly
and effortlessly, into a single unit. But after a childhood of near-blindness,
Liam did not recognize the lines as boundaries of known objects. Instead, he
saw a tangled, fragmented world.
For most of us, vision feels so seamless because it results
from a combination of “bottom-up” and “top-down” processing. “Bottom-up”
implies constructing the visual world from the smallest pieces of visual
information. These details are, in large part, handled by neurons in lower
areas of the visual cortex. But we cannot think of these neurons as responding
only to the “bottom-up” stimuli that our eyes provide. Their activity is
modified by input coming from their neighbors as well as from other regions of
the brain.
Prior experience, past associations and our level of
attention all influence the firing of lower-area neurons, a process that
depends on feedback from higher visual areas and is therefore called
“top-down.” Since we all have different experiences, needs and desires,
“top-down” influences differ from person to person. We all see the world
through our own perceptual lens.
After his surgeries, Liam’s eyes provided his neurons with
the input they had long been waiting for. But he lacked the visual experience
of seeing beyond a few inches, so he had not yet developed the “top-down”
processing that organizes these local details into coherent objects and
landscapes. As a result, he had to rely heavily on “bottom-up” processing and
consciously piece together the visual world from its parts.
“Up close,” Liam wrote, “things are more like objects than
visual chaos, but there is a definite difference when I see something further
away. Those objects have no meaning, and I struggle to tell if a bar of color
is the front of a truck or side of a bus or roof of a building. If people even
stand slightly further away and talk to me or say hi from down the hall, it has
a very different feeling, and it doesn’t seem as real.”
In his memoir “Second Sight,” the historian Robert Hine described
his experience of going blind in middle age and recovering vision 15 years
later. He wrote of the blind participating in the world of the sighted:
“Whether or not senses like hearing and touch grow sharper, the ability to
imagine must intensify, and it is there that the blind can outshine the
seeing.”
Throughout childhood, Liam lived and went to school with sighted
people; he had to infer what others saw, requiring great powers of analysis and
imagination. After his surgeries, he used these same skills to decipher what he
could now see. As he began to recognize individual objects among the confusion
of lines, he most likely developed new networks in higher object-recognition
areas of the brain. Neuronal connections, like ruts in the road, deepen with
use. With each day, Liam’s vision became more “top-down,” providing more
meaning to his visual world.
Although he can recognize many more objects today than he
could right after his surgeries, Liam still struggles to recognize faces. Prior
to receiving his intraocular lenses, he couldn’t see
details on another person’s face; their nose and mouth were just a blur. Right
after his first surgery, Liam was disgusted when he saw the way that his
mother’s mouth moved when she talked. He knew that his mouth moved when he
spoke, but it was a revolting shock to see the details of the red lips and
tongue in others.
Indeed, without a holistic sense of a face, it was
impossible for Liam to recognize people from moment to moment. Their faces
transformed entirely when they changed expression or talked. Problems with
recognizing faces and facial expressions are very common among people with
long-term blindness who gain sight as adults. Even people blinded by cataracts
from birth whose sight is restored within the first year show some deficits in
face recognition.
Though we are not born with an innate ability to recognize
household or most natural objects, we may be born with a rudimentary
face-detecting skill. Infants just nine minutes old exhibit a preference for
looking at a human face. This remarkable fact was discovered during an
experiment in which different pictures were moved across a newborn’s field of
view. When a face pattern (an oval for the head, enclosing shapes that looked
like eyes, a nose and a mouth) was waved in front of
the baby, the child would turn his or her head and eyes to follow the pattern.
But if the features were all mixed up so that the pattern no longer resembled a
face, the infant did not follow the pattern as reliably or for as long.
One area of the brain that is particularly active when we
look at faces is called the fusiform face area. Intriguingly, this same area
“lights up” when expert chess players look at a chess board. Why would an area
of the brain important for the recognition of faces be activated in chess
experts when they view a chess game?
To recognize a face, we need to see more than the eyes, nose and mouth. We must analyze the spatial relationships
among all of these features. Similarly, an understanding of the spatial
relationships among game pieces is crucial for winning at chess. The fusiform
face area is good at recognizing global spatial patterns. Circuitry present at
birth or soon after and an infant’s preference for looking at faces likely bias
the fusiform face area to become a face recognition area. That role is
bolstered further by our lifelong experience with viewing faces and the
importance of face recognition in everyday life.
Liam assigns the way people look to broad categories based
on the features that he sees best—short or long hair,
glasses or no glasses. One of the first people he recognized with his new
vision was his college professor, Joe. Here’s what Liam wrote in an email to
Dr. Tychsen in 2012: “Joe has black and gray hair and
a mustache, and I recognize hair best instead of faces. Especially mixed color
hair and facial hair (even though when I look away I
can’t definitely describe it). So when I recognized
him automatically on campus outside of class, I had to go tell him how special
it was and that he was the first person I recognized like that.”
When I first met Liam, he didn’t
look directly at me, hardly showed any expression on his own face and spoke
quietly. When I see him now, his face breaks into a big smile.
With facial expressions, too, Liam ran into problems. Eight
years after his surgeries, I showed him a set of cartoon faces displaying all
sorts of emotions, including happy, surprised, skeptical, disapproving,
confused, fearful and sad. He told me that the only expressions he really
understands are happy and sad. But he may be picking up more information from
faces than he is aware of. His own appearance has changed. When I first met
Liam, he didn’t look directly at me, hardly showed any
expression on his own face and spoke quietly. He has since become more
animated, and when I see him now, his face breaks into a big smile.
A person’s ability to adapt and learn involves more than
structural changes at synapses. Every time we witness performers at a circus,
symphony, ballet or professional ballgame, we are
seeing the results of neuronal plasticity. While these performers may possess
natural gifts, they wouldn’t have achieved the elite
level without a singular focus and years of intense practice. Neuronal
plasticity and learning require active training. In his book “Rebuilt,” about
learning to hear with a cochlear implant, technology theorist Michael Chorost
wrote that he had to become an “athlete of perception.” Only by tirelessly
experimenting and practicing with his new sense, only by becoming an athlete of
perception, could Liam begin to understand what he sees.
Liam worked so hard on his new vision that Cindy, his
mother, sometimes wondered whether he should have undergone the
sight-restoration surgeries at all. Despite these difficulties, there were
times when watching Liam learn to see had all the magic of watching a very
young child discover the world. Since vision for Liam is such hard work, he
rarely describes what he sees as beautiful, but Cindy remembers one morning
when she and Liam were up with the sun and he saw dew
for the first time. “It’s like Christmas lights on the grass,” he said.
Dr. Barry is a professor emeritus of biology and
neuroscience at Mount Holyoke College. This essay is adapted from her new book,
“Coming to Our Senses: A Boy Who Learned to See, a Girl Who Learned to Hear,
and How We All Discover the World,” published this month by Basic Books.
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