Missing Journalist Was
an Insider Willing to Cross Saudi Red Lines
By Margherita Stancati in Beirut and Nancy A.
Youssef in Washington (Wall Street Journal)
Oct. 12, 2018 4:33 p.m. ET
Jamal Khashoggi
rankled authorities with socially liberal views and sympathy for the Muslim
Brotherhood
The mystery surrounding Jamal Khashoggi, who disappeared
after entering the Saudi consulate in Istanbul on Oct. 2, has drawn scrutiny to
the Saudi government’s efforts to silence critics at home and abroad.
But Mr. Khashoggi’s case is more complicated.
While he had become known as a dissident writer in recent
years, he was a longtime insider who remained close to some of Saudi Arabia’s
most powerful princes.
One of the country’s best-known journalists, he clashed with
the clerical establishment for his socially liberal views. His sympathy for
democratic movements drew the ire of the Saudi government, particularly for the
Muslim Brotherhood, which the royal family views as a threat to its absolute
monarchy.
The rise of Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman, and the
crackdown he oversaw against dissidents ranging from clerics to women’s rights
activists, pitted Mr. Khashoggi against the establishment that had long
tolerated him, and ultimately he decided to leave for
the U.S. last year.
Fellow Saudis implored him to return with a mixture of blunt
intimidation and subtle flattery he suspected was a trap. Saudi officials told
him that his views were valued, and that he could contribute to the monarchy’s
new vision—maybe even work with the government, according to his friends who
recounted these conversations. Pro-Saudi government Twitter users hounded him,
branding him a traitor.
“Your end will be painful, Mr. Jamal,” one Twitter user told
him in March.
Turkish officials now suspect Mr. Khashoggi was murdered by
a Saudi intelligence hit squad in the consulate the day he visited. The Saudi
government has denied the accusation, and claimed Mr.
Khashoggi left the building shortly after he entered it. Representatives for
the Saudi government didn’t respond to requests for comment for this article.
The journalist, who was 59 when he disappeared, had believed
he was safe in Istanbul. “He trusted Turkey even more than the U.S.,” said a
Saudi friend of Mr. Khashoggi.
Mr. Khashoggi was close to the government of Turkish
President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, whose ties with Saudi Arabia had become
increasingly strained in recent years. Turkey backed Qatar in its diplomatic
spat with Saudi Arabia last year, and like Qatar, Turkey also differs with
Saudi Arabia over its view of the Muslim Brotherhood.
Mr. Khashoggi knew President Erdogan personally and was a
friend to some of his closest advisers, say people who knew him. During a
conference in Turkey this past spring, he met Hatice
Cengiz, a Ph.D. student. Over the summer they agreed to marry.
For most of his life, Mr. Khashoggi’s views broadly aligned
with those of the Saudi establishment. A scion of a prominent Saudi family, he
embraced in his youth the wave of Islamist fervor that swept the kingdom and
was influenced by Muslim Brotherhood ideology.
A Saudi's Journey
Jamal Khashoggi, a veteran Saudi journalist, disappeared
after entering Saudi Arabia's consulate in Istanbul on Oct. 2. Turkish
authorities say they believe he was killed there. Saudi Arabia has denied
involvement in his disappearance. Mr. Khashoggi once had close links with the
royal family but he moved to the U.S. in 2017 after
becoming critical of the kingdom’s leadership.
·
Oct. 13, 1958 Khashoggi is born in Medina to a
prominent and wealthy Saudi family. Years later he receives a bachelor’s degree
at Indiana State University.
·
1980 He begins his journalistic career in the
1980s, covering the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan and decade long war that
followed for the Saudi Gazette, an English-language daily.
·
1990 Khashoggi works in the 1990s as a foreign
correspondent for the pan-Arab Arabic daily, Al-Hayat, in Algeria, Kuwait, Sudan
and across the Middle East.
·
2003 He becomes chief editor of Saudi Arabia’s
al Watan newspaper but is fired shortly after for
publishing reformist articles and cartoons.
·
June 2010 Prince al-Waleed bin Talal appoints
Khashoggi to lead a new 24-hour Arabic news channel, Al-Arab News.
·
2013 Khashoggi criticized what he called the
kingdom's addiction to cheap foreign labor. “It is good that the government is
finally convinced that it cannot move forward with its reform projects as long
as the elephant is still in the room,” he wrote in Al Hayat daily. “The
elephant precisely consists of a few millions cheap workers who made the Saudi
manufacturing sector and economy be addicted to them.”
·
2014 When a Saudi television host was banned
from his own talk show after a critical interview with a member of the
country's consultative Shoura Council, Khashoggi said
the move was "bad news for Saudi media."
·
Feb. 1, 2015 He
launches Al Arab News in Bahrain, citing “a real need for an independent and
impartial channel.” A day later, the government orders the channel to cease
broadcasting after an interview with a government opposition figure.
·
2017 Khashoggi leaves Saudi Arabia for
self-imposed exile in the U.S. in the summer.
·
Sept. 13, 2017 In an interview with The Wall
Street Journal, Mr. Khashoggi speaks out publicly for the first time about his
decision to leave Saudi Arabia, citing the government’s crackdown on dissent.
“This is unlike anything Saudis have experienced before,” Khashoggi said. “It
was becoming so suffocating back at home that I was beginning to fear for
myself.”
·
Sept. 18, 2017 Khashoggi’s debut column in the
Washington Post.
·
June 5, 2018 After a wave of arrests targeting
some on the kingdom’s most prominent women’s rights activists, he criticizes
Prince Mohammed in a Journal interview, saying that every time he hears “about
an arrest or a friend being travel-banned, I am grateful I am here.”
·
Oct. 2, 2018 Khashoggi enters the Saudi
Consulate in Istanbul. He hasn’t been heard from since.
He traveled to Afghanistan as a journalist, where he became
the first Arab journalist to interview Osama bin Laden in the late 1980s. “A
lot of them went to fight. He went to report,” said Peter Bergen, an American
journalist and academic who knew Mr. Khashoggi.
In the 1990s, he reported from across the Middle East, where
he became acquainted with different schools of political Islam. He was removed
three times as editor of a leading Saudi daily, Al Watan,
for crossing red lines, such as criticizing the religious establishment.
Through it all, he maintained close ties to some of Saudi
Arabia’s most powerful princes. In the early 2000s, he served as an adviser to
Prince Turki al-Faisal, a former head of Saudi
intelligence, during the prince’s time as ambassador to the U.K. and the U.S.
He was a friend of the billionaire Prince al-Waleed bin Talal.
“He had been part of the establishment,” said Gerald Feierstein, a former top State Department official for the
Middle East, who knew him.
Until the current Saudi leadership came to power, Mr.
Khashoggi never thought of leaving his homeland, he said over multiple
conversations with The Wall Street Journal before his disappearance.
That began to change in 2016. After the election of
President Trump, Mr. Khashoggi made comments critical of him. The Saudi
government, eager to cultivate better relations with the Trump administration,
swiftly banned him from speaking publicly, Mr. Khashoggi told the Journal.
Fearing he would be arrested or banned from leaving, he left
Saudi Arabia. In the U.S., he became a contributor to the opinion pages of The
Washington Post, which along with his nearly two million Twitter followers,
gave his praise and criticism of the Saudi royal family enormous weight. In his
penultimate column, Mr. Khashoggi said democracy in the Middle East couldn’t
happen without the inclusion of the Muslim Brotherhood.
“The eradication of the Muslim Brotherhood is nothing less
than an abolition of democracy and a guarantee that Arabs will continue living
under authoritarian and corrupt regimes,” Mr. Khashoggi wrote Aug. 28. “There
can be no political reform and democracy in any Arab country without accepting
that political Islam is a part of it.”
He maintained cordial relations with some Saudi officials.
“Jamal has many friends in the kingdom, including myself,
and despite our differences, and his choice to go into his so-called
self-exile, we still maintained regular contact when he was in Washington,”
Prince Khalid bin Salman, the Saudi ambassador to Washington, D.C., and a son of
King Salman, told reporters earlier this week. He has dismissed accusations of
official Saudi involvement in the journalist’s disappearance as baseless.
Among the Saudi officials who contacted him after his
departure was Crown Prince Mohammed’s media adviser, Saud al-Qahtani, according
to a Saudi friend of Mr. Khashoggi.
“They told him: ‘You are a valuable voice, you should return
to Saudi Arabia,’” recalled the friend. “They were trying to lure him back.”
His departure had come around the time when Saudi Arabia and
its closest allies broke diplomatic ties with neighboring Qatar, citing Doha’s
support for the Muslim Brotherhood among the reasons.
Much to the frustration of the Saudi government, Mr. Khashoggi
continued to write favorably about the group.
U.S. officials have pointed to Mr. Khashoggi’s views on the
Brotherhood as one issue that likely irritated Saudi royalty.
What We Know About
the Missing Saudi Journalist Jamal Khashoggi
“There is very little
nuance in how the Persian Gulf monarchies see the Muslim Brotherhood,” Andrew
Miller, deputy director for policy at the Project on Middle East Democracy.
“They view them as an inherent threat and evil.”
Although he denounced the rapidly shrinking space for public
discourse in the kingdom, he applauded some of the social reforms spearheaded
by Crown Prince Mohammed, such as the decision to allow women to drive.
Mr. Khashoggi became deeply homesick, but he didn’t feel
safe enough to return.
Mr. Khashoggi has four adult children, three of whom are
U.S. citizens, a U.S. official said. The fourth, a son named Salah, is in Saudi
Arabia and holds Saudi citizenship. The Saudi government barred Salah from
traveling outside the kingdom after his father left the country, according to
friends of the journalist. Mr. Khashoggi lobbied to have the ban lifted,
appealing to Saudi officials including Mr. al-Qahtani, the crown prince’s media
adviser, and Prince Khalid, the ambassador, but to no avail.
Still, his criticism of the monarchy alienated him from his
family back home, and he and his Saudi wife soon agreed to divorce.
During his time in exile, Mr. Khashoggi’s views on the
monarchy hardened. In early 2018, he founded a pro-democracy nonprofit group
called Democracy for the Arab World Now, according to a friend.
Mr. Khashoggi was preparing to start a new life with his
Turkish fiancée, Ms. Cengiz, who accompanied him to the consulate on Oct. 2 and
said he never came out it. He had an appointment to pick up documents related
to his divorce.
Before he went missing, he noted that even members of the
Saudi royal family—once thought untouchable—were now just as afraid as common
citizens that Crown Prince Mohammed might order their arrest for speaking out.
“There’s no room for people like me,” Mr. Khashoggi said to
the Journal in July. “If I go back, I have to dance their dance.”
He added: “If America cares about Saudi Arabia, they should
be worried about Saudi Arabia.”
—Warren Strobel and
Peter Wonacott in Washington, and Summer Said in
Dubai, contributed to this article.